Suchergebnisse

This article seeks to explore the relationship between populism, 21st-century socialism, and the emergence of what has been referred to as an ' estado delincuente' (criminal state), in the case of Venezuela. That is, a state structure permeated with transnational organized crime mafias in the executive and the judiciary, in the financial system, the prosecutor's office, the police, the armed forces, the prison system, state-owned companies, governorships, and city councils, among other state institutions. First, I review conceptual aspects of populism to understand how this served as the basis for creating the postulates of 21st-century socialism, which promoted the institutional destruction of Venezuelan democracy and created the conditions for the unbridled dissemination of state corruption. Second, emblematic cases of white-collar and blood crimes, nepotism and other corrupt activities are discussed to provide an idea of the magnitude of the issues that permeate the state apparatus. To conclude, I provide a critical summary of the consequences of this way of doing politics in contemporary Venezuela.

Este artículo analiza la relación existente en Venezuela entre el "socialismo del siglo XXI" y el proceso de descentralización iniciado en 1989 y que fue elevado a principio organizador del Estado por la Constitución aprobada en 1999. Se realiza un estudio de las normas jurídicas vinculadas a la temática, de diversos discursos presidenciales en los que se alude a tal relación, y de las políticas implementadas que conciernen a la descentralización. Se llega a la conclusión, primero, que el "socialismo del siglo XXI" es contrario a la descentralización; segundo, que la confrontación a esta última ha sido constante en el discurso oficial, incluso anterior a la definición del presidente Chávez como socialista; tercero, que la progresiva concentración del poder en manos del presidente no sólo se ha llevado a cabo en detrimento de los otros poderes públicos (judicial y legislativo), sino que ha sido afectada la propia descentralización; y, cuarto, que algunos dispositivos políticos representativos de tal socialismo son opuestos a la descentralización. ; This paper analyses the relation that prevails in Venezuela between the "21st century socialism" and the decentralization process initiated in 1989, which was defined as an organizational principle of the State by the Constitution approved in 1999. It is realized a study about the juridical norms linked with this thematic, the several presidential speeches in which it is mentioned such relation, and the implemented policies concern to the decentralization. It is concluded, first, that the "21st century socialism" is opposed to the decentralization; second, that the confrontation with the latter have been constant in the official discourse, even previously to the definition of President Chavez as a socialist; third, that the progressive concentration of power into the hands of the president not only has been carried out in damage of the other public powers (judicial and legislative), but that the own decentralization has been affected; and quarter, that some representative political devices of such socialism are opposed the decentralization. ; 237-260 ; acasellam@cantv.net ; trimestral

Se aborda el uso del tópico «amor» como recurso propagandístico del chavismo, bajo la hipótesis de que existe un esfuerzo orientado a fomentar la creación de una meta-realidad ideológica, para legitimarse en el poder, a partir de la afectividad vinculante entre la figura de Hugo Chávez y las masas. Desde esta perspectiva, Chávez es representado como un Héroe místico, a quien "su" Pueblo debe corresponderle incondicionalmente. Consecuentemente, se descarta el principio de rendición de cuentas y eficiencia en la gestión gubernamental, en función del respaldo de la población a un liderazgo que reviste carácter divino. Mediante el análisis de representaciones simbólicas presentes en el discurso e iconografía pública, se plantea que el Socialismo del Siglo XXI concuerda con los rasgos del un proyecto totalitario, y que desarrolla un imaginario que a su vez opera por una parte, enmascarando discursivamente las prácticas represivas y autoritarias características de este movimiento y por otra, fundando la legitimidad sobre un fin trascendental de carácter cuasi místico. La pregunta abierta es si el tópico amoroso será suficiente para compensar el agotamiento del Socialismo del Siglo XXI en la etapa post Chávez, y cuando Nicolás Maduro pareciera retroceder en términos de legitimidad política.

An analysis of 1990s reforms helps shed light on the Cuban concept of democracy. Major changes of the 1990s, which had a systemic impact & are embodied in the Constitution of the Republic (amended in 1992), the New Electoral Law of 1992, & the Statutes of the Communist Party, are described, & results from the three general elections since 1992 are assessed. Seven key reform ideas put forward by President Raul Castro, 2007-2009, are delineated & reflect the demands of the people, which define national priorities. Attention is then given to a dozen possible future reforms springing from continued improvement of the Cuban political system. References. D. Edelman

La democracia debe ser pensada siempre en términos políticos, manteniendo un concepto mínimo en la que se sustente su especificidad relacionada al sistema, régimen o gobierno político imperante en el Estado. Bajo esta perspectiva, este trabajo tiene el propósito de describir algunas consideraciones sobre el socialismo del siglo XXI como una forma de proyecto político, y como este contribuye a la degeneración de la democracia venezolana a una oclocracia y finalmente hacia una kakistocracia destacando conceptos en lo político y social. La naturaleza del estudio es de carácter descriptivo documental, siendo Bovero (1996, 2002), Bobbio (1991), Caballero (2000), Knoll (2017), Puentes (2009) y documentos normativos como la Constitución de Venezuela (1999), los principales referentes consultados. Los resultados develan que: a) el socialismo del siglo XXI ha contribuido a la degeneración de la democracia venezolana; b) la democracia venezolana se degrado con Hugo Chávez a una oclocracia, el"poder de la muchedumbre", manipulada por la demagogia de grupos de interés. La democracia seimpregna de ilegalidad y violencia; y c) se ha instaurado la kakistocracia, cuando se tiene un sistema de gobierno con latigazos de tiranía, con un presidente totalitario y demagogo, una oligarquía militar-civil corrupta e irregularidades en los procesos de contrataciones públicas. Se concluye que, el sistema de gobierno basado en el socialismo del siglo XXI, la democracia venezolana de los últimos veinte años ha degenerado a la forma perniciosa que le pueda pasar a una sociedad como lo es la kakistocracia "el gobierno de los peores".

A wide-ranging study on Latin America's "pink tide" governments, and the social formations underpinning them, raised again the debate on 21st Century socialism. If the period 1990-2010 saw renewed popular insurgency after the Soviet bloc collapse, progressive forces have lately been confronted by low intensity reaction from the combined might of local and imperial bourgeoisies. US hegemony faces renewed anti-neoliberalism, but now assails popular regimes viaconstitutional rather than military coups. ; Um amplo estudo sobre os governos da "maré rosa" na América Latina e as formações sociais subjacentes a eles, recolocou o debate do socialismo do século XXI. Se no período de 1990 a 2010 houve nova insurgência popular após o colapso do bloco soviético, ultimamente as forças progressistas são confrontadaspor uma reação de "baixa intensidade" do poderio combinado das burguesias locais e imperiais. A hegemonia dos EUA enfrenta renovado antineoliberalismo,mas agora ataca os regimes populares mediante golpes constitucionais, ao invés de militares.

The present collection contains papers of the first national workshop organised by the All India Progressive Forum (AIPF) on '21st Century Socialism' in Hyderabad. Socialism is a controversial issue, rendered more controversial by the great collapse of the Soviet Union and the East European socialist regimes. The collapse has reignited the controversies on the nature, path and viability of socialism in its many interpretations. In the meantime the scientific and technological revolution has added new features to the theory of social transformation, and has reopened many issues settled by history of individual revolution. The papers discuss many old and new aspects of socialism, social revolution and transformation. They also seek to add many new features. They particularly emphasize the notion that socialism of '21st century' will be different, in many crucial ways, than that of the 20th century.Please note: This title is co-published with Aakar Books, New Delhi. Taylor & Francis does not sell or distribute the Hardback in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh, Maldives and Sri Lanka.

El discurso nace de lo que se conocía en la antigua Grecia como oratoria. El contenido de los primeros discursos tenía un peso filosófico, sin embargo, aunque ha habido cambios en el discurso político, es en el siglo XXI que existe una transformación radical por influencia de la ideología del socialismo. Esta estrategia discursiva ha marcado un referente en la historia de los discursos políticos, su impacto social es alto, por lo que es importante analizar los cambios estructurales y la mezcla de estratégicas incorporadas a partir del discurso de Hugo Chávez, referente políticos de este socialismo. ; The discourse is born from what was known in ancient Greece as oratory. The content of the first discourses had a philosophical weight, however, although there have been changes in political discourses, in the twenty-first century, there is a radical transformation of discourses under the influence of socialism ideology. This discursive strategy considered a reference in politic discourses history, its social impact is high, so it is important to highlight some of its structural changes and mix strategies incorporated since Hugo Chavez discourse, as politic reference of socialism ; Universidad Tecnológica de Israel

This article is a review of five books on the Mondragon Cooperatives spanning several decades, not only to offer short critiques of their contents, but to use them as a starting point to bring Mondragon up to date and summarize its core philosophy in a way that helps the cooperative movement, and the wider socialist movement as well. The article is also full of interesting discussions held during a study tour in Mondragon in September of 2010.

Dissertação de Mestrado em Ciência Política ; Esta tese analisa o impacto do Socialismo do século XXI na política boliviana durante o período 2006 a 2019 com o Movimento para o Socialismo (MAS), sob a liderança de Evo Morales. O Socialismo do Século XXI é uma doutrina avançada por H. Dieterich e A. Buzgalin. Dieterich promoveu a necessidade e a importância de combinar o socialismo com a democracia, não uma democracia liberal, mas uma democracia participativa e directa. Buzgalin reforça a necessidade de utilizar formas mais desenvolvidas de capitalismo para transformar a sociedade orientada para o pós-mercado. Esta doutrina influenciou Hugo Chavez, seu principal expoente, e Rafael Correa na América Latina. Assim, a literatura sobre os avanços do populismo de esquerda na América Latina associou Evo Morales à política e políticas de líderes socialistas como Chávez e Correa. Ao contrário desta literatura, esta tese defende que o MAS e Evo Morales se afastaram do socialismo do século XXI, encontrando as suas principais influências no movimento indigenista na Bolívia ligado ao katarismo, e que nos seus treze anos de poder (2006- 2019) Morales adoptou políticas neoliberais, enquanto usava a linguagem do anticapitalismo e do "socialismo comunitário" para obter apoio popular. Em última análise, ao não unir o país, ao manter um confronto agressivo com a oposição política, ao parar o investimento estrangeiro na Bolívia, Morales não reduziu a pobreza nem melhorou as condições de vida dos bolivianos, não geriu a riqueza mineira e hidrocarbónica do país e até provocou um confronto entre bolivianos, o que levou à sua queda e exílio do país em Novembro de 2019. ; This thesis analyses the impact of the 21st Century Socialism in Bolivian politics during the period 2006 to 2019 with the Movement towards Socialism (MAS) under the leadership of Evo Morales. 21st Century Socialism is a doctrine advanced by H. Dieterich and A. Buzgalin. Dieterich promoted the need and importance of combining socialism with democracy, not a liberal democracy, but a participatory and direct democracy. Buzgalin reinforces the need to use further developed forms of capitalism to transform the post-marketoriented society. This doctrine influenced Hugo Chavez, its leading exponent, and Rafael Correa in Latin America. Hence, the literature on the advances of left-wing populism in Latin America associated Evo Morales with the politics and policies of socialist leaders like Chavez and Correa. Contrary to this literature, this thesis argues that the MAS and Evo Morales moved away from 21st Century Socialism, finding their main influences in the Indianist movement in Bolivia linked with Katarism and that in its thirteen years in power (2006-2019) Morales adopted neoliberal policies while using the language of anti-capitalism and "Communitarian Socialism" to garner popular support. Ultimately, by not uniting the country, by maintaining an aggressive confrontation with the political opposition, by stopping foreign investment in Bolivia, Morales did not reduce poverty or improve the living conditions of Bolivians, did not manage the country's mining and hydrocarbon wealth, and even stirred up a confrontation among Bolivians, which led to his fall and exile from the country in November 2019. ; N/A